Dear Editor,
before Italy is a more fragile, more difficult and uncertain than that of countries with which we were so far in the company. For years now we are moving away from large areas of Europe and are converging on the weaker ones. Without a strong correction, the next decade will worsen considerably this retreat.
Other developed countries have experienced the trauma of globalization and the financial crisis and have experienced the difficulty of finding effective means to respond.
Everywhere, in front of a new secular Western democracies have measured the weaknesses of consensus mechanisms that shorten the horizons to the newspaper.
Everywhere in developed countries, democracy is doubtful of his own effectiveness, sua capacità di affrontare le esigenze di cambiamento.
Ovunque i cicli politici perdono di prospettiva.
In Europa, in particolare, è sembrato che la globalizzazione non consentisse più un patto sociale costoso e inclusivo. Le forze progressiste hanno per questo pagato un prezzo elettorale. Si sono evidenziati fenomeni di spaesamento, di incertezza, di ripiegamento e sono emerse correnti di opinione difensive o apertamente regressive.
In nessun caso, tuttavia, queste tendenze hanno preso il comando nei grandi Paesi europei. Quasi ovunque le destre hanno vinto dando voce ai problemi e ai timori, senza peraltro dimostrare fin qui di saper aprire la strada a soluzioni vere; e tuttavia in quegli stessi Paesi le correnti populiste regressive and were limited by the constitutional roots firmly of the conservative forces, a more credible and recognized statehood, not a discredited policy.
In Italy, in peculiar shapes and to some extent anticipated, the scope of government has been busy over the past decade from a strong complement of Berlusconi and Lega, both born in a phase of great discredit of the political and chronic weakness of the institutions. Berlusconi and Lega people, each for its part, raised a "moderate aggression" that has towed to a culture of de-legitimization of the state, individualism, tax complications, corporatism of social and territorial xenophobia. It was announced in a form which liberty each, individual or social group or territory, could be interpreted in its own way. The experience of government and the potential for communication, have been used to increase intake of this review, to build a solid ideology capable of withstanding the facts. This has fueled a consent for accession under which rule would interpret and represent rather than resolve. The problems are thrown from time to time against an enemy or are simply obscured by the rhetoric and communication control.
The effort and risks of reform are bypassed by the personalization, customization, when needed, setting up signs and addresses, which if not resolved, the complaint aloud limitations, obstacles and barriers, whether or not they are constitutional.
The mechanism is therefore likely to produce decisions minimal but with strong symbolic and dramatize everything that relates directly to the Head. Structural interventions are very sporadic and only allowed if it is able to target and disrupt the social and political worlds of the other field.
Such a description of our ten years of political history may appear one-sided and biased if it was not confirmed by an honest budget of the facts.
decade now allow a measure of the actual effects of the curvature of our personalistic and populist democracy. We come then to the facts, making power in selecting among the myriad of converging data and unique, essential and those summaries.
In 2000, the share of the Italian population, relatively poor, ie living with a per capita income below 75% of the EU countries stood at 22%. Keeping the comparison with the same countries today is 30%.
the same period the percentage of Italians relatively rich, ie with incomes above 125% of the EU average drops from 57 to 25%.
There is no possible comparison with any other European country.
With amazing speed the move away from the North South and the North out of Europe. The cumulative growth rate nel decennio, siamo negli ultimissimi posti al mondo. Quanto alle attività produttive, facendo pari a 100 la produzione industriale del 2005 oggi siamo all’86 a fronte di una Germania al 98,3 e ad una media dell’area Euro al 95,4. Cumulando i dati sulla disoccupazione, sugli ammortizzatori e sullo scoraggiamento nella ricerca di lavoro si ha un quadro impressionante. Siamo al fondo delle classifiche dei Paesi OCSE per disoccupazione giovanile. Per quella femminile contendiamo in Europa l’ultimo posto a Malta. Il 50% delle ricchezze si è concentrato sul 10% della popolazione senza rapporto alcuno con la fiscalità. Avviciniamo Norvegia e Danimarca nella pressione fiscale mentre perdiamo 10 miliardi di Euro rispetto al 2007 di incassi IVA pur con un aumento dei consumi in termini nominali. Passiamo in tre anni dal 104% di debito pubblico al 118% senza aver dovuto salvare nessuna banca. Sul fronte sociale scelgo una sola classifica: quella che certifica il nostro primato nell’abbandono scolastico. Quanto al futuro, non c’è previsione che non indichi per noi uno scenario di sostanziale stagnazione con una crescita potenziale inferiore alla metà di quella dei principali Paesi europei.
Non servono cifre ulteriori. E’ ovvio che l’ultimo decennio poggia su problemi antichi e precedenti a Berlusconi. E’ altrettanto ovvio che nell’ultimo decennio i problemi non hanno avuto rimedio ma si sono disastrosamente aggravati. So bene che nella realtà italiana There are also light and not only the shadows, there are the energies and resources and not only the problems. We have an extraordinary capacity to respond to challenges: the cycle of reforms related to the euro in the past, nor was it a try. In Italy there is a tremendous work culture, there's an incredible vitality of most companies, there are resources of creativity, innovation and knowledge still enviable, there is a wealth maldistribution and still be mobilized for investment; There is a wealth of cultures and traditions to guide the growth, there is a pool of solidarity and good citizenship are able to evidence exceptional. The Italian figure, finally, it is still greatly attractive in the world. All of this is. But now the question is another. Unless we convince ourselves to face the problems, it does not come out well. The essence is this. We remain one of the richest countries in the world, but we lose positions quickly. Maintain our role in the international division of labor, to give a perspective of employment and income to future generations, to maintain acceptable standards of a welfare system, these challenges are now to describe a real emergency. Moreover, being the great country in Europe is growing less and which has the highest debt exposes us to dangerous waves inevitably speculative. And 'realistic to expect that in coming years il debito e il suo costo ci metteranno di fronte ad una serissima difficoltà.
Torniamo adesso alla politica. Venendo ad oggi, le recenti vicende politiche e parlamentari mostrano il dissolvimento delle ultime risorse di governabilità che la destra poteva garantire. Eccoci dunque al punto. Chi riconosce l’emergenza, chi ne è davvero consapevole deve prendersi le sue responsabilità e suscitare una riscossa che mobiliti le energie e le risorse economiche, morali e civili di cui il Paese dispone. Per parte nostra, adempiamo a questo compito rivolgendoci innanzitutto alle forze dell’opposizione di centrosinistra e di centro. Riconosciamo le loro diversità, perfino nelle prospettive politiche. Ma se queste diversità prevalessero, could come to the country another decade of populist drift and further slippage. Those who oppose Berlusconi knows that today we must look beyond Berlusconi. This includes looking beyond so inescapable aspects constituents. Too many have been
deformations, distortions, too overbearing (and powerless) shortcuts personalistic, too long sleep of the reforms. This is not about simply an alternation in a system that works. Here we talk about a reorganization of parliamentary democracy. This is not about a simple economic program. Here we talk about a new basic agreement on economic and social terrain as foundational as the taxation and social relations. And 'this is the underlying reason for an appeal that seeks to involve moderate and progressive forces. No one should take the responsibility to withhold its contribution to a transition constituent of future smaller, personal or party. Are there other ways?
really think you can affect Berlusconi and the League?
really can imagine a political appointment or election does not propose a crossroads diriment on fundamental constitutional issues?
And perhaps there would be little logic and too much risk in starting to restrict or divide the force field that is opposed to right now? We discuss
therefore a key platform.
discuss a reform Republican who speaks of Institutions, di federalismo, di legge elettorale, di informazione, di conflitti di interesse, di giustizia per i cittadini, di costi della politica, di legalità e che sia saldamente ancorata ai principi costituzionali.
Discutiamo di questione sociale e di un grande patto per la stabilità e la crescita fatto di vere riforme: fisco, lavoro e precarietà, conoscenza, welfare, politica industriale, economia verde, liberalizzazioni, questione meridionale.
Tutto questo impegnando l’Italia nel rilancio del grande sogno europeo.
E’ su una simile piattaforma che il PD sta lavorando, ed è questa la proposta che avanzerà nelle prossime settimane. A chi ci obietta che la nostra proposta politica è difficile e forse utopian in the given conditions, we reply simply that the policy is not made with the calculation of probability, the policy must have an idea of \u200b\u200bwhat is best for the country and support it. In any event, regardless of the answers that we have, and the outcomes which will offer contingency policy, this will be our inspiration: an inspiration open and inclusive, so aware of the depth of the Italian crisis.
It is this awareness that leads us to urge the independent contribution, active and responsible social actors, culture, information and free of any moral and civic authorities. All we turn to our proposals. Italy can not longer accept being drugged by the chattering and political nature of a gap between politics and society that builds confidence and liabilities.
We must change the agenda. We need to talk
finally Italy and the Italians.
We have to design a change.
We must organize a collective effort in which those who have more give more.
The new generation needs of a horizon. No one fails to fulfill this responsibility, a commitment to rescue Italian.
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